The relationship between South Africa and Israel is a multifaceted one, deeply entwined with South Africa’s history of apartheid. Hence, it’s imperative to understand that understanding this relationship requires delving into historical and political dimensions that have influenced diplomatic ties between the two nations.
Early relations: 1948–1994
In 1947, the Union of South Africa was one of the 33 nations that supported the United Nations Partition Plan, which advocated for a Jewish state in Palestine. On May 24, 1948, shortly after Israel declared independence, South Africa, under Field Marshal Jan Smuts, was the seventh country to acknowledge the State of Israel de facto. However, two days later, Smuts, a Zionist supporter, lost in the elections. The new government, led by D.F. Malan’s National Party, known for its apartheid agenda, took over.
This change was significant for Israel due to South Africa’s large Jewish population, estimated at 120,000 in 1949, mostly Zionists who had financially supported Zionism since the Balfour Declaration. The National Party, despite previous anti-Semitic tendencies, granted Israel de jure recognition on May 14, 1949, and diplomatic relations commenced that year with Israel’s consulate-general in Pretoria, upgraded to a legation in November 1950. South Africa, however, didn’t have direct diplomatic representation in Israel until 1972, relying on the UK’s representation until then, when it appointed a consul-general in Tel Aviv.
1950s–1960s: Israeli Renunciation of Apartheid
In the 1950s and 1960s, the early positive dynamics of Israel-South Africa relations faced challenges due to Israel’s position on South African apartheid in the UN General Assembly debates. This complexity emerged right when Israel joined the UN in May 1949, as it backed a resolution urging South Africa to discuss apartheid’s impact on Indian and Pakistani citizens with Pakistan and India. By December 1950, Israeli diplomat Michael Comay outlined Israel’s voting strategy in a memo, suggesting a delicate balance. Israel aimed to avoid direct condemnation of South Africa or judgment on specific issues related to apartheid. However, it also sought to distance itself from any explicit or implicit endorsement of South Africa’s racial segregation policies.
1967–1987: Strategic Cooperation
In 1967, Israel’s triumph in the Six-Day War and its subsequent control of Sinai and the West Bank led to diplomatic estrangement with many Third World and black African countries, who started perceiving Israel as a colonial entity. Simultaneously, this victory garnered admiration from sections of South Africa’s white populace, especially its political and military leaders. An editorial in Die Burger, a voice for South Africa’s National Party, noted a common struggle for existence between Israel and South Africa, suggesting their forced alliance against anti-Western powers should be embraced.
Under John Vorster’s government, South Africans were allowed to volunteer in Israel, both in civilian and paramilitary capacities, and Zionist activities and fundraising within South Africa were expanded. Both nations made concerted efforts to boost trade and commerce, forming the Israel–South African Friendship League and the Israel–South Africa Trade Association in 1968. By April 1971, C. L. Sulzberger had commented on the notable yet under-the-radar partnership between Israel and South Africa.
Diplomatic and Political Cooperation
During the 1970s, at the UN General Assembly, Israel opted for abstention in several significant votes related to South Africa, including the 1972 vote to grant observer status to the African National Congress (ANC) and later votes concerning apartheid. In return, South Africa abstained from condemning Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem. Despite its official stance against apartheid, like many Western countries then, Israel privately maintained relations with South Africa without enforcing sanctions. In 1974, when South Africa’s UN General Assembly credentials were rejected, Israel elevated its legation in South Africa to an embassy. The following year, South Africa reciprocated by upgrading its Tel Aviv consulate, established in 1972, to an embassy.
Cultural and Demographic Ties
The 1970s strengthened cultural and demographic ties between Israel and South Africa. Bilateral tourism increased, with around 10,000 Israelis visiting South Africa in 1979 and approximately 25,000 South Africans visiting Israel the following year. By 1983, there were 12,000 South African Jews in Israel and about 20,000 Israelis in South Africa, which grew to 25,000 by 1987. South African Airways began flights between Johannesburg and Tel Aviv, circumventing most African countries’ airspace by detouring around West Africa, which doubled the distance and flight time. However, El Al, Israel’s national airline, operated direct flights between the two cities via Nairobi. In sports, cultural and demographic connections were evident. Itamar Dubinsky noted that Israeli sports institutions and athletes often bypassed the sports sanctions against apartheid due to professional, Zionist, and national interests.
Military Cooperation
In the 1970s, Israel supported proxy forces in Angola, such as the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and Unita. These forces, organised and trained by South Africa and the CIA, aimed to prevent the MPLA from leading the Angolan government. Israel’s assistance included sending a plane with 120 mm shells through Zaire and delivering 50 SA-7 missiles to these groups. By 1973, a significant economic and military alliance had formed between Israel and South Africa. Their military leadership believed both nations were in similar situations, fighting for survival against common enemies like the PLO and the ANC. Within a decade, this relationship deepened, with South Africa becoming one of Israel’s primary military and economic allies. Israel, in turn, became South Africa’s primary military ally and the most crucial foreign arms supplier to the South African Defence Force (SADF).
There were allegations of joint nuclear weapons development and testing between the two countries from the mid-1970s. Seymour Hersh suggested that the 1979 Vela Incident was the third standard Israeli-South African atomic test in the Indian Ocean. Richard Rhodes concluded that this incident was indeed an Israeli nuclear test conducted with South African cooperation and that the U.S. administration downplayed this to maintain relations with Israel. Israel supplied South Africa with the yellowcake uranium needed for its nuclear weapons program. South Africa, possibly with Israeli help, developed its atomic bombs. UN General Assembly resolutions in the early 1980s condemned the Israel-South Africa cooperation, including their nuclear collaboration. U.S. Intelligence believed that during the 1970s, Israel was involved in South African nuclear projects and provided advanced non-nuclear weapons technology to South Africa as it was developing atomic bombs.
1987–1994: Sanctions against South Africa
By 1987, Israel was the only nation still maintaining robust relations with South Africa. This relationship had been ongoing since 1974 and faced criticism from various international organisations and the UN General Assembly. Consequently, Israel’s foreign policy towards South Africa became a contentious issue within its government. The United States, having enacted the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, exerted additional pressure. In March 1987, President Ronald Reagan was tasked to report to Congress on arms sales to South Africa by Israel and other allies. Adverse findings threatened Israel’s $1.8 billion in American military aid. Just before the report’s deadline, Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres declared that Israel would halt new military contracts with South Africa, letting existing ones expire gradually. Israel also planned to reduce cultural, diplomatic, and tourist relations with South Africa and considered economic sanctions. Peres emphasised Israel’s condemnation of apartheid, stating that discrimination, under any name, was unacceptable and contrary to the Jewish belief in equality and human dignity.
1991–1994: Normalisation
Sanctions persisted until South Africa began negotiations to end apartheid. Israel lifted its sanctions on July 14, 1991, four days after the U.S. F.W. De Klerk, successor to Botha, visited Israel in November 1991. During this state visit, De Klerk and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir agreed to normalise relations between their countries.